Madam Speaker, I have the honour to move that the Bill now be read a second time.

 

Madam Speaker, this Bill has been certified by me as URGENT.

 

I will deal with why I have given that certification in a moment.

 

 

RECOGNITION OF DRAFTING TEAM

 

First of all, I want to thank the Attorney General, Michael Llamas KC, Mr Daniel Greenberg CB and Ms Nadia Sisarello-Parody and the Parliamentary Drafting team at the Gibraltar Law Offices for the excellent work they have done in production of this hugely important Bill in a short time.

 

Their exhaustive transposition work is robust and delivers what we need for implementation of the UK EU Treaty in relation to Gibraltar.

 

Not an easy task, Madam Speaker, especially one delivered in such a short time.

The instructions to draft could not be formalised until we had a stable treaty text.

 

That meant that the work on this Bill could not start until the 1^st February this year, when Mr Greenberg was instructed by the Attorney General, together with Ms Sisarello-Parody, to begin the drafting process.

 

The Honourable the Leader of the Opposition will know that Mr Greenberg was in Gibraltar at that time carrying out a sector-by-sector consultation on another draft Bill which is now out as Command Paper.

 

I know he met him in consultation on the matter at that the time.

 

I have no doubt that the work they have done, in the short time available, is undoubtedly remarkable.

 

I commend all those involved for their diligence and their delivery on such a demanding time scale.

 

 

 

CERTIFICATE OF URGENCY – S35(3) OF THE CONSTITUTION

 

 

Having set out that time line, and before I continue with my speech on the Second Reading, Madam Speaker, it is important that I should explain why I have certified this Bill under Section 35(3) of the Constitution as being too urgent to await 6 weeks of publication before it is considered by the Parliament.

 

I wrote to you, Madam Speaker, last week, on Wednesday, making the necessary certification under my hand.

 

I copied my letters to you to the Honourable the Leader of the Opposition.

 

The reason is this:

 

As all Honourable Members are aware the current position, as at today, is that the European Entry & Exit system will be in effect without exception as from 10^th April.

As the principal purpose of our entering into the Treaty is to avoid frontier checks causing inordinate delays for residents, workers and travellers crossing the frontier, we want to have done everything necessary in Gibraltar in order to avoid the worst effects of EES in time for its current expected date of application.

 

This would mean the Gibraltar and UK sides being ready for signature and provisional application in time for 10^th April, insofar as possible.

 

So that is why this Bill is urgent.

 

Having said that, Madam Speaker, we are aware of the fact that the date of 10^th April will likely be delayed.

 

But we have to be ready.

 

And we will be ready.

 

We will be ready legally – by the passing of this Bill into law and having subsidiary legislation ready.

We will ready physically – by the temporary works being undertaken at the Airport under the auspices of the Chief Technical Officer and being carried out by Casais, to allow for temporary Schengen Check and EES facilities for arriving air and sea passengers.

 

We will be ready – because if WE are not, then it would be easy to blame us for delays in implementation of the new arrangements.

 

And that, Madam Speaker, would make it easy for the EU and Spain to impose on Gibraltar residents the effects of EES.

And we will not even risk putting Gibraltar in such a situation.

 

That is despite the fact that we do now reasonably believe it is likely that there will be a delay beyond 10^th of April.

 

A delay that will arise from both the legal and physical aspects of implementation on the EU side.

 

The first, the legal delays relate to the procedures of the Union and the translation of the Treaty text into all the languages of the Union.

 

That will mean that signature may now not happen before the 10^th April.

 

That will be determined at the COREPER due this week.

For the uninitiated, COREPER is the EU Comité des représentants permanents (Committee of Permanent Representatives).

 

It is comprised of the heads or deputy heads of mission from the EU Member States in Brussels established under Article 240, paragraph (1) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union or the TFEU.

 

As an aside, Madam Speaker, it is ironic that the Bill, when it becomes an Act, will likely be known in shorthand in future as the TGEU.

 

The work of COREPER is to prepare the work of the Council.

 

It is the final "filter" through which almost all EU legislation and new Treaties must pass before it reaches the political level of Ministers.

 

COREPER is due to report on Wednesday.

 

It is likely we will then receive a clearer statement of when the Treaty can be signed by the EU side and what that means in terms of provisional implementation date.

 

That could mean a delay of weeks or months, subject to the relevant procedures on the EU side.

 

All Honourable Members will have seen reports and are assured that the delay will not lead to residents being subject to EES.

 

But, for us, it is too risky to leave anything to chance.

 

If we get a longer time before provisional implementation, without application of EES to residents, that will, no doubt be welcomed by all those in our community who are having to work at breakneck speed to get the Treaty implemented by 10^th April.

 

Again, any delay may be a matter of days, weeks or a couple of months.

 

The clear intention is for the signature to happen as soon as all the necessary legal formalities have been complied with.

 

But it is hugely important that the Gibraltar and UK side will, nonetheless, be ready in time.

 

And we will await the outcome of the EU deliberations in this respect, as these matters relate to the EU’s process of ratification.

 

The UK & Gibraltar side will be ready whenever the EU and Spanish side are ready.

 

 

In that respect, Madam Speaker, I have read the Honourable the Leader of the Opposition say that:

 

“[t]he Government has had these drafts in advanced production for months, yet they choose to drop over 110 pages of complex, life-changing legislation on the Opposition and the public with only days to spare before the Easter break. To certify this as 'urgent' under Section 35(3) of the Constitution is a recurring failure of transparency...”

 

I will do the Honourable the Leader of the Opposition the courtesy of replying to those comments now as I deal with the issue of certification of urgency so he realises, by the time that he rises to speak on the General Principles and Merits of the Bill, that he is wrong in EVERY material respect in what he said.

 

First of all, as I have already told the House, the drafting of the Bill started only in the first week of February.

 

It could not have started before.

We had no stable treaty to transpose before then.

 

So, the Government has not had these drafts in advanced production for months, directly contrary to what the Honourable the Leader of the Opposition has suggested.

 

It would be to mislead the public to insist on that now that he has my assurance in this House in that respect.

 

Additionally, I sent the Leader of the Opposition the Bill LITERALLY MOMENTS after I received it myself.

 

I received the final version on Tuesday at 6.57pm.

 

I sent it to the Honourable the Leader of the Opposition at 7.04pm. 

 

SEVEN minutes later.

 

I had not checked it.

 

In fact, the first time I had seen the Bill was just 96 hours earlier, on Friday 20^th March after 7pm the evening in its first draft.

 

The Deputy Chief Minister and I worked on the Bill over the weekend, on Saturday 21^st and 22^nd.

 

On Monday the 23^rd, we adjourned the Cabinet early in order to have a conference call with Mr Greenberg, Ms Sisarello-Parody and the Attorney General, Mr Llamas KC.

 

After that conference call, the Bill was amended in keeping with our instructions on policy choices and when next I saw it I sent it immediately to the Honourable Mr Azopardi.

 

So, when the House proceeds upon this Bill today, it can do so assured that there was not more time available to consider this Bill.

 

The vice of time was moving from one side in the form of the date of the end of the negotiation and the legal text.

 

The vice of time was and is moving from the other side in the form of the date of the implementation of the EES.

 

That is the reality.

 

So, certifying this Bill as urgent is NOT a failure of transparency by any stretch of the imagination.

 

It is, in fact, supremely unfair to even suggest that is the case.

 

Certifying the Bill as urgent is a fruit of necessity to ensure we avoid Gibraltar getting caught in the vice of time.

 

I trust that the Honourable the Leader of the Opposition, now that he has that information, will accept that and will withdraw that ungenerous, unnecessary and untrue allegations he has made when he rises in reply.

 

And to say that we are legislating by exhaustion must be a reference by the Honourable the Leader of the Opposition to the process the Government is subjecting ITSELF to in order to defend the interests of every single Gibraltarian and resident of Gibraltar.

 

We are doing everything we have to.

 

We are working every hour that is available.

And we are leaving no stone unturned in order to be ready by the 10^th of April, even if we can see it is likely our treaty partners will not be ready.

 

We are exhausting ourselves, as people would expect us to do in the defence and representation of Gibraltar and its People.

 

But in doing so, we are not foregoing excellence, Madam Speaker.

 

Our drafters have produced an excellent text.

 

Of course, a more considered, stately process would be preferrable.

 

It would also be preferrable that the world should live in peace.

 

But, unfortunately, we do not inhabit other-worldly perfection.

 

We inhabit earthly imperfection.

 

And that requires us to move at double speed to protect Gibraltar, Gibraltarians and Gibraltar residents.

 

So, I will say that – like the Treaty – it may be that this Bill is not perfect.

 

We may have to amend it in the future.

But it is the Bill that will enable us to be ready to avoid the worst effects of the introduction of the EES at the frontier.

 

It is robust.

It is effective.

 

And it does what it says on the tin in the Explanatory Memorandum.

 

Given the challenges we are facing, Madam Speaker, I will settle for that, as would most of the people of Gibraltar.

 

We will leave perfection to be the enemy of progress on other occasions and not on something as important as this Bill.

 

And, I will therefore take the Leader of the Opposition at his word that, when he speaks, he will undertake a principled and not partisan review  of this Bill and now, therefore, accept the very good reason why it is urgent, as I have indicated – even though the 10^th April date may soon no longer be the target.

 

With that, Madam Speaker, I will now move on to the General Principles & Merits of the Bill.

 

 

 

THE GENERAL PRINCIPLES & MERITS

 

Madam Speaker, as Honourable Members will recall, on 26 February I laid in this House the text of the draft Agreement in respect of Gibraltar between the United Kingdom and the European Union. 

 

Today, we turn from the draft treaty text that this House unanimously agreed by Motion on the 3^rd March, to the domestic legislation which will give it effect. 

 

I therefore now have the honour of presenting to this House this seminal piece of legislation.

 

The Treaty on Gibraltar and the European Union Bill 2026.

 

The TGEU.

 

This is the legal mechanism by which we convert a diplomatic achievement into a functioning legal reality for Gibraltar. 

 

This Bill will give legal effect to the Treaty in the domestic law of Gibraltar.

 

 

MONOISTS v DUALISTS

Madam Speaker, in moving the Second Reading of this Bill, it will be helpful to Honourable Members without legal training, and for those watching, or listening to these proceedings, or in the future reading the Hansard of what is said today, if I reflect on the legal philosophy that necessitates this House’s deliberation today.

In the study of international law, it is necessary to distinguish between two primary mechanisms of implementation of treaties.

Monism and Dualism.

In Monist states, such as France, the Netherlands or Spain, international law and domestic law are viewed as a single, unified legal system.

In those jurisdictions, once a Treaty is ratified at the international level between states, it automatically becomes part of the law of the land, often superseding domestic statutes without further intervention.

Some administrative work may need to be done, but the treaty oblgations generally  bite ‘on the ground’ so to speak.

Gibraltar, however, follows the Dualist tradition of the common law.

Under this doctrine, international law and domestic law exist in two entirely separate jurisprudential spheres.

A Treaty signed by the State on the international stage is a binding promise between nations, but it does not, of its own, alter the rights or duties of our citizens here on Main Street, Irish Town or Winston Churchill Avenue.

To bring that Treaty home, to make it 'Gibraltar law', it must be translated, incorporated, and given life by this Parliament.

This is why the Treaty on Gibraltar and the European Union Bill is so vital.

Without this Act, the Treaty would remain a distant, inter-state, diplomatic instrument.

It is this Bill that acts as the constitutional bridge, carrying those international obligations across the jurisdictional threshold and weaving them into the fabric of our corpus juris – our body of law - that is the domestic legal order of Gibraltar.

It is the mechanism by which we ensure that the 'Rule of Law' in Gibraltar remains firmly under the democratic oversight of this House.

That is hugely important and it is why it is worth the public understanding why being a DUALIST state matters.

Because, in the end, it is the elected representatives of the People who give effect to that which the State, via its Executive, has agreed in international law.

Perhaps that now makes it easier for the public to understand how it is that the Bill ensures-

• That the Treaty has full force of law in Gibraltar;
• That Gibraltar can uphold the commitments we have undertaken in respect of the circulation of persons, customs arrangements, the level playing field, aviation, as regards frontier workers and police cooperation;
• That EU law provisions that the Treaty requires us to apply are appropriately recognised and domestically operational; and
• That the mechanisms created by the Treaty—such as the Cooperation Council, specialised committees and procedures for dispute resolution—can function effectively.

 

Put simply: this Bill turns an international treaty into a working legal, administrative and operational reality for our people.

 

And it is one that will take us back, given the structure of how the Bill allows for European laws to become Gibraltar laws, to the famous words of Lord Denning in Bulmer v Bollinger.

 

He is one the United Kingdom’s most famous Law Lords.

 

As you know, Madam Speaker, he famously described European law not as a distant ripple, but as an incoming tide.

 

Madam Speaker, the lawyers amongst us will well remember that he said that European Law '… flows into the estuaries and up the rivers. It cannot be held back.'

 

Madam Speaker, for decades, although we have no rivers, we lived with that LEVANTE tide in membership of the European Union and applied it through.

 

This Bill is the mechanism that re-opens the lock gates.

 

It allows the beneficial European waters of the Treaty to flow once again into our domestic 'tributaries', on immigration, customs and aviation.

On environmental protection, standards of goods on the market and mobility.

 

Ensuring that, while we remain a separate, Dualist jurisdiction, we are no longer a legally isolated one on the European continent.

 

 

 

THE SUBSTANCE OF THE BILL

 

 

But let me now move on to the Substance of the Bill.

 

On the most important issue of substance, Madam Speaker, in respect of sovereignty, nothing in this Bill, nor in the Treaty it implements, alters or diminishes Gibraltar’s sovereignty. 

 

All cooperation mechanisms respect our constitutional position, the Sovereignty clause in Article 2 of the Treaty and the undertakings given by the United Kingdom.

There is no jurisdiction given over Gibraltar. 

Indeed, I would go further and add that the very essence of these arrangements rests on the opposite of a sovereignty concession.

 

In fact, it rests on the exercise of British sovereignty, through the instrument of the very legislation that this Parliament is considering now. 

 

Because, it is this Bill that makes the discharge of the international legal obligations we have acquired possible on the ground.

All operations which are provided for are, moreover, strictly governed by administrative arrangements approved by Gibraltar and are in line with identical police cooperation in the Schengen Acquis which applies between all Member States of Schengen.

 

The Bill provides the foundation for prosperity, jobs and investment.

 

It avoids barriers that would otherwise harm businesses and families. 

 

Indeed, the Bill provides for the removal of all physical barriers at the land frontier.

 

The fence that Spain never recognised but that Franco closed.

 

The removal of those immigration checks at the land border is the central effect of this Bill.

 

Those are the checks which have historically been the stranglehold on our economy.

 

The abuse of those checks has been the experience of our almost 30 years of common membership of the EU with Spain.

 

Checks not carried out as required, but abused to try to mature that fruit that would stubbornly not fall as expected.

 

Checks that caused stress to the people of Gibraltar and those who live around us.

 

Stress in the form of major traffic issues, the delays in reaching work or medical appointments or even the damage to our tourism product because the queues made coming to our beautiful home unappealing. 

 

Politics using immigration checks to get in the way of people’s lives instead of making them easier or safer.

 

Those days CAN be a thing of the past now.

 

This Bill is the mechanism to deliver that from the Gibraltar side of the isthmus.

But, given the sensitivity of the subject matter, it will not do so without providing lasting and ongoing transparency and accountability to this House.

In fact, the Bill mandates annual implementation reports to Parliament. 

Additionally, the Bill will require the laying in this House also of some secondary legislation done in pursuance of its objectives.

This House therefore retains full democratic oversight in a number of ways.

First in the very passing of this Bill.

Second in the annual reporting.

Thirdly in the obligation to lay secondary legislation which is done under its enabling powers.

And fourthly, of course, in the fact that the House can undo Act at any time it should consider necessary.

Parliamentary supremacy in action.  

 

Madam Speaker, before I summarise each part of the Bill I would like to say something about the style of the Bill which may seem repetitive as it continually refers to each section applying for the purposes of a particular Part or Article of the Treaty. 

 

It has been drafted this way to ensure clarity and consistency and aids the reader to follow how each of the relevant articles of the Bill have been given effect.

 

This is an important device.

 

And I commend it to the House given that the hope is – of course – that the Act which will emerge from this debate and the Treaty should operate for generations to come.

 

Today, as the matter is topical, we are all familiar with these instruments.

 

In future, when the Act is being interpreted, it should be easy to corelate to the Treaty and what it is intended to do.

 

Additionally, the effect of reciting the relevant parts of the Treaty delivers what is known as ‘Miller’ compliance.

 

This is a reference to the case known as ‘Miller 1’, which is R (Gina Miller) v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union [2017].

 

This is the case about the use of the Royal Prerogative to give the Article 50 notification.

 

Gina Miller challenged this, arguing that because the 1972 European Communities Act had granted rights to citizens, the Government could not "take away" those rights by use of the Royal Prerogative without a new Act of Parliament.

 

The first of the cases taken by Gina Miller.

 

The Supreme Court in Miller made it clear: in our dualist system, the Executive cannot simply 'sign and slide' international obligations into our domestic order.

 

We must be meticulous in adoption of the obligations.

 

Because this Treaty changes the rights of our citizens and the rules for our business community, Miller requires that this Parliament, and not just the Executive, should build the necessary statutory framework.

 

This Bill is our 'Miller compliance' in action.

 

I now turn to summarise for those House each part of the Bill and what it does. 

 

 

PART 1

 

Part 1 establishes the foundations and the Bill’s purpose.

 

It sets the tone for the entire legislative framework by requiring implementation in accordance with the treaty’s core principles of sovereignty, good faith, respect for human rights, commitment to the rule of law and the cooperative spirit underpinning the new relationship.

 

 

PART 2

 

Part 2 sets out the structural architecture necessary to give the Treaty operational life in domestic law and is, in essence, the “instruction manual” for how the Treaty and its supporting documents interact with Gibraltar’s legal order.

 

It ensures that Gibraltar’s system can accommodate the treaty as a living instrument and not merely as a one-off, static text.

 

Part 2 provides for the Implementation Date as well as defining the implementation purpose to enable us to give effect to the Treaty obligations. 

 

This is very important Madam Speaker.

 

The powers taken and the whole legislative scheme is for a defined and clear purpose that circumscribes action that can be undertaken in reliance of its powers.

 

Part 2 also sets rules for handling sensitive information and for Gibraltar’s participation in joint reviews.

 

 

PART 3

 

Part 3 is the engine room of the entire Bill.

 

It gives legal effect to the Treaty. 

 

It also gives legal effect to the required EU instruments where the treaty mandates it.

 

It gives the Government the power to make Implementation Regulations in order to give further effect to the Treaty and makes consequential amendments to existing legislation.

 

We will be publishing a series of Implementation Regulations to give effect to the following parts and chapters of the Treaty including:

 

Title V of Part Two of the Treaty regarding:

 

1. Cooperation with Europol;

 

2. Cooperation with Eurojust;

 

3. Exchange of criminal record information;

 

4. Surrender;

 

5. Mutual Assistance; and

 

6. Freezing and confiscation.

 

We will also be introducing legislation to give effect to Title VI on Anti-Money Laundering and Counter Terrorist Financing Measures as set out in Annex 17 of the Treaty

 

Additionally, we will make provision by Implementation Regulations to give effect to the Road Transport provisions of the Treaty which deals with road transport services between Gibraltar and the EU.

 

The provisions on Tobacco in the Treaty will also require a number of Implementation Regulations to be made in particular to establish a track and trace system equivalent to that in the EU. 

 

So far there are at least 20 pieces of subsidiary legislation that are being drafted to give effect to the provisions of the Treaty without counting all the Environmental Measures that we have published and are in the process of publication.

 

This Part also gives domestic recognition of the Cooperation Council, specialised committees, it allows for consistent interpretation rules, annual reporting and guidance.

 

There are also powers for pre‑implementation and post‑implementation arrangements to ensure operational continuity.

 

This is the part that transforms the Treaty from a diplomatic document into a workable set of rules enforced by Gibraltar’s own authorities and courts.

 

It is Gibraltar’s legal AND jurisdictional sovereignty in action.

 

 

PART 4

 

Madam Speaker, Part 4 is one of the most transformative aspects of the Bill.

 

It gives effect to the Treaty’s arrangements for the circulation of persons, including:

 

• the removal of physical barriers

 

• the creation and operation of border crossing points at the airport and port the latter of which, as I have said, should never be needed;

 

• the sequencing of Gibraltar’s checks first on entry and Schengen checks only thereafter and the reverse on exit; and

 

• the use of automated systems.

 

The significance of this Part should not be understated.

 

The Treaty explicitly provides for the removal of immigration checks on Gibraltarians at the land border and confirms our right to travel between EU Member States. 

 

Naturally this is still subject to the 90 day rule which we also apply to EU citizens.

 

Because we have been clear, Madam Speaker, that the Treat does not provide for the freedom of establishment.

 

We did not want it.

 

The EU did not want it.

And it would have been wrong to seek it.

 

This Part also covers:

 

• future residence permits in respect of which we retain our right to determine conditions. 

 

• visa-free travel for Gibraltarians within the EU

 

• short-stay visas

 

• our ability to issue exceptional visas at our external border,

 

• enhanced notification mechanisms and

 

• international protection applications.

 

Part 4 also includes substantial law-enforcement cooperation arrangements which are akin to those enjoyed between the Member States of the EU.

 

These ensure Gibraltar’s security is enhanced, not diluted. 

 

 

PART 5

 

Part 5 is about the economic parts of the Treaty.

 

It gives effect to the Treaty’s commitments to fair competition, sustainable development and regulatory cooperation.

 

It does so in a uniquely Gibraltar‑appropriate way:

 

• recognising Gibraltar’s right to regulate;

 

• requiring high standards in labour, environmental and climate areas which we already comply with;

 

• creating the domestic framework for state aid control through an independent authority.  This is hugely important as it means that all State Aid considerations will be subject to Gibraltar based decisions being applicable;

 

• establishing transparency obligations; and

 

• providing mechanisms for cooperation and, where needed, consultations or remedial measures.

In my statement to the House on 26 February, I emphasised that this Treaty is not perfect, but it is the viable, negotiable and deliverable alternative that presents us with an opportunity to move from a position of risk to one of stability and growth.

 

Part 5 operationalises that by giving Gibraltar a clear, fair and sovereign framework for economic competition.

 

 

PART 6

 

Part 6 establishes the customs union between Gibraltar and the EU.

 

It removes tariffs and quantitative restrictions and sets up the regime for the movement of goods.

 

It introduces:

 

• the transaction tax;

 

• EU‑aligned excise duties;

 

• the abolition of import duties;

 

• rules on sanctions, safeguards and exceptions; and

 

• administrative cooperation in customs and taxation.

 

Crucially, it maintains Gibraltar’s status as entirely VAT‑free, as I stressed publicly on 26 February.

 

There is no sales tax Madam Speaker.

 

The transaction tax will be levied on declared importation value by a trader of the goods in question.

 

It is for that reason that it would be fraudulent – and no less than that a description is appropriate – for any trader to pretend that the price of goods is going to now increase by the percentage of the relevant transaction tax, whether it is the standard rate of 15% from day one or the reduced rate of 5%.

 

It is therefore clearly a fraud on consumers to pretend that prices will go up by 15% because of the Transaction Tax.

 

It would be remarkable if, the Government having explained this now ad nauseam, if there was any defence in this House of the contrary suggestion.

 

This part also sets out the rules for compliance, monitoring, market surveillance, tobacco controls and the movement of sensitive goods such as military and dual‑use items.

 

Part 6 is therefore the legislative backbone enabling frictionless trade in goods  while maintaining economic integrity and law‑enforcement capability.

 

 

PART 7

 

Part 7 implements the provisions of the Treaty relating to aviation, including safety, security, operational standards and the cooperative governance structure for Gibraltar Airport.

 

This part is where the power to grant the tender for the running of Gibraltar Airport will emanate from.

 

Section 135(2) is worth specifcally reading out, Madam Speaker.

 

It provides as follows:

 

“The Government shall have the power by notice in the Gazette to grant to a joint venture company constituted in accordance with Article 274 the right to select, through regular public tender, the commercial company that should be in charge of the day-to-day management of Gibraltar airport and to supervise the provision of the services provided by the company in accordance with Annex 25.”

 

This is the grant of the tender to do in future what Gibraltar Air Terminal Management Limited does today and which the Government of Gibraltar would like to see GATL continuing to do in the future – subject to it being the successful tenderer.

 

As I noted on 26 February, the Treaty will enable the resumption of EU–Gibraltar air routes without affecting RAF control or military use.

 

Part 7 ensures that Gibraltar can apply EU equivalent rules to aviation while preserving the airport’s constitutional and operational autonomy.

 

 

PART 8

 

Part 8 protects the rights of frontier workers and their family members, ensuring stability for thousands of workers who support Gibraltar’s economy and our public services.

 

It provides certainty in respect of employment status, residence, documentation and access to benefits. 

 

It protects not just those workers who work in Gibraltar, but also Gibraltarians and British residents of Gibraltar who work in Spain. 

 

Importantly, as Honourable Members will have seen, the Bill provides for Social Security Coordination BUT NOT aggregation.

 

That is what is going to give us the clarity we need to deliver equalisation of the pensionable age between men and women at age 60 during the course of the next Appropriate Debate in this House before the summer recess.

 

 

PART 9

 

Part 9 provides the framework for future cooperation on nuclear safety, security, emergency response and material control, ensuring Gibraltar’s preparedness and alignment with international standards should such activities ever become relevant. 

 

Madam Speaker, the Government does NOT envisage such circumstances becoming relevant, but it is a requirement of the EU that we should have in place a legal infrastructure should such an eventuality arise.

 

That could relate the use of particular components in machinery etc.

PART 10

 

Part 10 implements the treaty’s mechanisms for consultations, arbitration, compliance and remedies. 

 

This is the dispute resolution and final provisions chapter.

 

This ensures that disagreements under the Treaty are resolved lawfully and predictably, without encroaching on the fundamental constitutional position of Gibraltar.

 

 

CONCLUDING REMARKS

 

Madam Speaker, Gibraltar’s strength has always come from unity.

 

Unity of purpose, unity of community and unity in defence of our common interests.

 

The TGEU represents our collective commitment to stability for our people. 

 

It represents our shared determination to secure opportunity for future generations and our belief in cooperation, fairness and the rule of law.

 

It is not a Bill of ideology.

 

It is a bill of practical benefit.

 

Of responsibility.

 

And of delivering on the commitment we made to negotiate a safe, secure and beneficial way to make Brexit bearable. 

 

It is a bill that allows Gibraltar to move forward confidently, maintaining our identity while strengthening our place in the region and the European neighbourhood in particular, as well as in the wider world.

 

Madam Speaker, the Bill before the House today does not simply “implement” a treaty.

 

It gives Gibraltar and Gibraltarians:

 

• legal certainty,
• economic opportunity,
• mobility without barriers,
• enhanced security cooperation,
• strong protections for sovereignty and
• a stable, modern platform on which to build our future.

Gibraltar was forced out of the European Union despite our desire to remain. 

 

Brexit left us exposed to a significant and detrimental change to our daily lives and our future.

 

This is the Bill that TAMES BREXIT.

 

This is the Bill that TEARS DOWN THE FRONTIER.

 

This is the Bill that SECURES OUR BRITISH WAY OF LIFE FOR GENERATIONS TO COME.

 

And this will be the law that lights the fuse on a new era of opportunity for generations of Gibraltarians to come.

 

The law that saves us all from the worst effects of the hard Brexit we did not choose.

 

The law that restores our relationship with the European Union, consistent with our vote to remain.

 

And that, Madam Speaker, is why, this Bill is entitled as it is.

 

The Treaty on Gibraltar with the European Union Bill 2026.

 

To be know in shorthand, in future, as the TGEU,

 

We did not choose the events that led to the Treaty and this Bill but we have had and we have taken the opportunity to have the leading voice in the shaping of our future.

 

And now this Parliament will exercise its power to give effect to that Treaty when signed.

 

For all of those reasons, Madam Speaker, this is a truly seminal legislative moment.

 

It is a moment of generational significance.

 

And it is one to cherish.   

And so I ask all Members to join us in crossing the Rubicon and support this Bill unanimously. 

 

And, with that, Madam Speaker, it is with pride that I commend the Treaty on Gibraltar and the European Union Bill 2026 to the House, and I ask that the Members opposition join us in that pride and without prejudice in supporting this Bill.

 

ENDS